AIDS- An Epidemic of Signification

In the wake of World AIDS Day, I think that it is necessary to reflect back on the history of the AIDS epidemic, not only as an act of remembrance, but also as an act of resistance. A retrospective analysis of the AIDS crisis enables us to understand the fail-ability of scientific discourse as well as the ideas and images being produced by the mass media and the effects that signification can have on the ways in which we conceptualize and respond to epidemics. While AIDS is most often presented as a medical issue, we must also consider the ways in which it is a crisis of signification, imbued with political and social meaning.

To start, I think that it is fair to posit that AIDS really became an epidemic due to the lack of immediate action from the government and medical establishments which can be attributed to homophobia. The blind indifference from the Reagan administration towards the AIDS epidemic should be viewed as an extreme act of hatred against the gay community. It is worthy to note that Reagan did not even give his first speech on AIDS until 1987, several years after the on-start of the epidemic after thousands of innocent lives had been lost.

It is important that we consider lessons from history as well as current discourse surrounding HIV/AIDS as a means to foster a better understanding of the epidemic on an individual and global scale. How has AIDS been characterized by the medical community as well as the mass media? Furthermore how has this affected our response and treatment to the epidemic as well as those currently living with HIV/AIDS?

Looking back at newspaper and journal publications about the epidemic starting in the early 80's, several popular conceptualizations of AIDS begin to emerge. From its onset, there was widespread fear of contamination as AIDS was constructed as a fatal infectious disease that threatened to wipe out mankind. It was also seen as a “gay plague” or punishment for sexually deviant behavior. Reflecting on the various conceptualizations, stereotypes, and stigmas surrounding AIDS and the ways in which many of these have become embedded in our various understandings and reactions to the epidemic showcase the enormous power that AIDS has in generating meaning.

How does all of this relate to sex work? I believe that popular conceptualizations of AIDS are closely related to construction of myths surrounding sex work. AIDS has often been classified as a “deviant” disease. Reflecting on our response/reaction to the epidemic a clear dichotomy between “us” and “them” begins to emerge. We have constructed AIDS in such a way to further stigmatize and separate so called “deviant” groups from the rest of the population.

This is particularly troubling when we consider the approaches to HIV/AIDS prevention among sex workers. In her work, Sex Work, Criminalization, And HIV: Lessons from Advocacy History, Anna Forbes discusses how data about the impact of marginalization and criminalization on sex workers and their HIV risk is usually omitted from discussions about HIV transmission. I believe that one reason for this is that we are so quick to demonize women's sexual agency...not to mention the fact that their work is criminalized. Forbes also notes that data about HIV transmission rates with regards to men who have sex with men (MSM) are “spotty and incomplete” which is due to the fact that they are also a marginalized group (21).

Through our conceptualizations of AIDS as a “gay plague” as well as our constructions of negative stereotypes about sex workers as “dirty” or “diseased”, we are creating moral judgments about what type of lives are worth living.... which in the end hurts us all. We need to rethink the types of knowledge that we have formulated up until this point about disease/vectors of disease and work to dispel the myths about AIDS and various forms of deviancy. It is important that we have clear, objective research about the AIDS epidemic which has not been distorted by stigmatization as a means to properly allocate local, state and federal funds towards programs which increase greater public health.

Reclaiming the Word Slut

My college career is quickly coming to an end and I have been doing a lot of reflecting on all that I have learned in my women's studies courses, how this knowledge connects with my lived experiences and future career aspirations. I am currently a volunteer for a sex worker's outreach organization based in DC. What I appreciate most about my experiences on the outreach van is that I am provided with a safe space where I can share my ideas with open-minded individuals. There is always a constant flux of information and knowledge being exchanged between volunteers. Everyone brings their own unique experiences and ideas into conversation which allows for greater insight. The knowledge that I have gained during my experiences on the van has enabled me to situate sex worker's advocacy within an expanded feminist framework. One topic of conversation which fascinated me (a conversation that I have hhad several times with my male friends) is the use of the word slut and the sexual double standard. What is it with this word?!

I recently read an article by Feona Attwood titled Sluts and Riot Grrls: Female Identity and Sexual Agency. In this article, Attwood examines the history of the term 'slut' which I think is relevant to both sex work and feminist advocacy. I think that learning about how discursive power, language, and stereotypes are used to police women's sexuality is just as important as learning about how the more solid and concrete laws and policies fuel sex worker's oppression. I believe that these stereotypes and assumptions directly influence the types of oppression which circumscribe sex workers' lives.

I think that the recent occurrence of “SlutWalk” marches across the country is a prime example of how this works. In February, Toronto police officer Michael Sanguinetti gave a speech at York University on the topic of personal safety. His remarks stating that "women should avoid dressing like sluts in order not to be victimized" have sparked a movement across Canada and the U.S. Activists from all over the country have been organizing marches called “SlutWalk” which condemns our cultures tendency to blame victims for their own sexual assault.

If you were following the news coverage of this event, you probably noticed that there was a divide among reporters as to whether these marches really represent sexual liberation or not. As a sex-positive feminist, I think that there is the potential for great power in reclaiming such a word. Sadly there aren't very many terms to describe a women who is confident and open about her own sexuality. I think that the use of this word can be seen as a reclamation of female sexuality and an act of resistance. By using a derogatory word in a positive way, the word begins to lose its power, especially when used by those whom the word was meant to demean. I feel that this reclamation would improve not only women's rights, but sex worker's rights as well.

Interconnections Between Sex Work and Nationalism

Just some food for thought........
I have been doing a lot of research about the atomic bomb for one of my classes and stumbled upon some these anti-prostitution WWII propaganda posters. I know that these are outdated, but I still think that their implications are quite relevant today.

These posters made me question the role of nationalism in propagating sexism. I believe that ideas about nationalism play a role in creating this dichotomy between the good, pure, moral woman and the “jezebels” or whores who submit to the desires of their flesh. Representations of the nation through male perspectives depends not only on the marginalization of particular groups of men, but also on specific representations of women. “Maleness” or masculinity comes to entail preserving women's respectability and defining what respectable womanhood means to a national identity. Men thus feel the need to take on the role of guardians of women and in doing so become guardians of the nation as well.

Move Along: Policing Sex Work in Washington D.C.

As a resident of the D.C area, I am very interested in the laws and policies which directly impact sex worker's lives in Washington D.C. I recently came across a report by the Alliance for a Safe & Diverse DC titled “Move Along: Policing Sex Work in Washington D.C.”. This report explores the direct impact that commercial sex policies have on the lives of sex workers. One of the policies which I found to be the most baffling was the the creation of Prostitution Free Zones (PFZ's). The Metropolitan Police Department reserves the right to declare PFZ's in areas where “the health or safety of residents is endangered by with prostitution or prostitution-related offenses”. When an area is declared a PFZ, it is “unlawful for a group of two or more persons to congregate in a public space or property in that area for the purpose of engaging in prostitution or prostitution-related offenses”. Considering that this is already the law, PFZ's can be seen as a means to provide stricter punishments for those engaging in sex work under the guise of public safety. Such laws are counter-intuitive because they not only decrease public safety and public health, but further stigmatize and marginalize sex workers and trans people. As the report notes, interactions with the police were “characterized by humiliation, abuse, and extortion” (1).

Furthermore, transgender people and Latinos are treated even worse by police and are less likely to seek their assistance when needed, making then more vulnerable to violence. A study by the National Center for Transgender Equality notes that “71% of trans respondents nationally had experienced harassment and disrespectful treatment by police officers and 45% were uncomfortable reporting crimes to police”. It is a sad realization to know that the individual's put in charge of protecting citizens from harm are actually contributing to the perpetuation of violence. For example, one survey respondent told researchers that during an ID check a police officer called hir “a whore, prostitute and trick” (1).

This report not only calls for a change in policy, but also in social attitudes. One of the most effective techniques used by researchers was their inclusion of first hand accounts from sex workers and members of the community, something that is not usually included in mainstream media and news reports. Also important to note is the fact that sex workers are not usually part of the process in creating public policy which directly impacts their lives. This is problematic for several reasons. When sex workers are not given voice, they become objects to be spoken for and about. It is really easy to dehumanize marginalized populations who are invisible or nearly invisible to the general public. All of this makes sex workers and trans people more susceptible to violence and abuse. This report gives voice to these marginalized populations so that we are given a clear depiction of the real life effects that public policy has on the lives of these individuals. The research team “included representatives from a diverse array of communities affected by policing in the city. Team members had expertise with the issues from both personal experience and work in the community on topics of sex work, HIV, drug use, Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual/Transgender (LGBT) and immigrant communities, racism, homelessness and community organizing” (4).

Challenging Popular Perception: Sex Workers as Transmitters of Disease?

Marginalized groups such as sex workers, men who have sex with men (MSM), and injection drug users (IDUs) are considered to be high risk groups in terms of HIV infection rates. In terms of sex workers specific role in the AIDS epidemic both domestically and globally, it is hard to determine. The popular perception of sex workers as transmitters of disease is an over-generalization and only serves to perpetuate the stigmatization of sex workers. The truth of the matter is that HIV rates among sex workers as well as the general population varies between different countries and regions. While HIV rates are high among sex workers in some areas, it is low in others. The level of risk that sex workers face for contracting HIV/AIDS and other STI's is dependent upon various factors such as social, physical, and cultural location well as their access to healthcare, condoms, and a support network.

Since the onset of the AIDS epidemic in the United States, the fear of “contamination” by sex workers(which is not been based in fact) has shaped and informed legislation about HIV that directly impacts sex worker's rights and lives. Since the advent of HIV/AIDS in the United States, many states have passed legislation requiring mandatory HIV testing for anyone convicted of sex work, many times without their knowledge or permission. As Carol Leigh notes in her work “Further Violation of Our Rights”, such legislation scapegoats sex workers because of their criminal status and their “traditional role as symbols of 'immoral' sexual behavior” (180). A study conducted by AWARE (Association of Women's AIDS Research and Education) showed that HIV infection rates among sex workers was no different than among women with three to five sexual partners per year. Furthermore, prior to the AIDS epidemic sex workers were only estimated to have been “involved in only three to five percent of cases of venereal disease in this country” which was much lower than the rate among teenagers (180).

In the United States, the government has always taken a strong stance against sex work. As a result of sex workers criminal status and marginalization, data on the impact on the AIDS on the sex work population is spotty and incomplete. Anna Forbes notes in her report “Sex Work, Criminalization and HIV” that the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), has conducted research on transmission rates among MSM and IDUs, but “the agency provides no parallel estimate of the number occurring among sex workers” (21). Global studies of the connection between HIV transmission and sex work is not any better. The Global HIV Prevention Progress Report Card 2010 notes that out of the 269 countries that reported data to UNAIDS in 2008, “only 38% had survey-based estimates of HIV prevalence among female sex workers” (21).

Forbes notes that the reason for this lack of data is due to the fact that “criminalization leads to marginalization and invisibility”. These groups are “characterized by behavior that is criminalized, one way or another, in most countries” and are thus denied their basic human rights to safety and protection (21). The impact of marginalization and criminalization on sex workers and their HIV risk is usually omitted from discussions about HIV transmission which in turn directly affects funding and efforts to combat HIV transmission within marginalized populations. One of the most glaring examples of this has been demonstrated by the United State's refusal to grant overseas aid to any HIV/AIDS projects that do not explicitly oppose sex work. Overall, global funding levels for HIV prevention are extremely low among marginalized populations such as MSM, IDUs, and sex workers, even though they have been identified as most-at-risk populations (MARP's). According to UNAIDS, “4.7% of all global HIV prevention spending in 2008 was allocated to programs targeting IDUs, 3.3% for MSM programs and 1.8% for programs reaching sex workers” (21).

If we don't have scientifically accurate data nor government support, how are these marginalized populations supposed to protect themselves?



Carol Leigh, "Further Violations of Our Rights" October, (Winter, 1987), Vol. 43, AIDS: Cultural Analysis/Cultural Activism , pp. 177-181

Crime Against Nature Law in Louisiana

I recently watched a RT news clip about the Crimes Against Nature state law in Louisiana which makes it a felony to solicit oral and anal sex. Before watching this clip, I had not heard much about this law which was first adopted in 1805. The statute outlaws “unnatural carnal copulation” which has been defined by Louisiana courts as oral and anal sex (or in other words, anything that is not plain, ordinary vaginal sex).

Not only is this law archaic, outdated, and extremely outlandish, but it is highly informed by religious convictions. It seems to me that this law was put in place to construct and regulate "appropriate" forms of sexuality or more specifically to target sex workers and the LGBT community. Those who are convicted are required to register as sex offenders. Furthermore, they must have “SEX OFFENDER” stamped onto their driver's license in bright letters (a modern day scarlet letter?) and notify neighbors, employers, schools, parks, churches etc. of their status. Ironically, those who are convicted under Louisiana's prostitution laws (vaginal sex) do not face such severe penalties.

Laws such as these target sex workers, but more specifically impacted women of color, primarily LGBT women of color and low income African American women. A recent report published by the Department of Justice (DOP) showed that a staggering 97% of women who are registered as a sex offender have been convicted under the “Crime Against Nature” conviction. It also showed that 80% of people on the registry due to a “Crime Against Nature” conviction were African American.

Furthermore, this law disproportionately affects transgender sex workers who are often targeted by the police due to their gender non-conformity. Louisiana is a bible belt state which is reflected in the creation and enforcement of laws such as this one. The “Crime Against Nature” law reflects anti-LGBT sentiments.

This law is highly informed by religious convictions and hatred. It is unconstitutional and needs to be re-examined. For almost four years now the community-based non-profit organization Women With A Vision (WWAV) has been campaigning against the discriminatory nature of this law. WWAV was founded in 1991 and aims to “improve the lives of marginalized women, their families, and communities by addressing the social conditions that hinder their health and well-being”. In March, the WWAV's continued efforts finally paid off as the Center for Constitutional Rights filed a lawsuit claiming that the “Crime Against Nature” law was unconstitutional. Fingers crossed!

Sex Work is a FEMINIST issue!

Is sex work damaging and degrading to women or is it a a service profession just like any other? This is an issue which has caused a schism among feminists everywhere. As an individual who identifies as both sex-positive and a feminist, I have always found it hard to grasp why many mainstream feminists in the United States don't really support sex worker's rights. There is a long history behind this opposition, one that needs to be reevaluated and questioned. I think that it is important to situate sex work activism within an expanded feminist framework, one which takes into consideration the opinions of sex workers themselves as well as the ways in which their experiences serve to enhance the feminist agenda not harm it.

Radical feminists such as Andrea Dworkin and Glorian Steinam have strongly opposed sex work on the grounds that this type of profession is degrading and only serves to enhance male supremacy. Just to get a clear idea about the ways in which anti-sex feminists feel about sex work, I have included a quote below from a speech that Andrea Dworkin delivered at the symposium entitled "Prostitution: From Academia to Activism". When asked how she would define prostitution, Dworkin states that,

"Prostitution is not an idea. It is the mouth, the vagina, the rectum, penetrated usually by a penis, sometimes hands, sometimes objects, by one man and then another and then another and then another and then another. That's what it is."

I think that what is important to note here is that this type of anti-sex feminism is not at all representative of the ways in which most sex workers actually feel about their profession. Sadly, sex workers are rarely given a platform through which to voice their opinions. This idea about whose opinion is heard and whose is not calls into question issues of discursive power. It also emphasizes the importance of sex workers' involvement in dominant discourse as a means to take control of their own lives. Otherwise they just DO become objects to be spoken for and about (sadly sometimes by feminists).

This image is of Annie Sprinkle: performance artist, sex educator, former sex worker and the epitome of sex positive feminism!












There has been a long history of pathologizing those who do not adhere to rigid gender and sexual binaries, a practice which hurts women and sex workers alike. I call on feminists to think about the ways in which the government has tried to regulate women's bodies and sexuality. I call on feminists to think critically about how this process continues to exist through the socially and legally sanctioned persecution and stigmatization of sex workers.

While it is true that violence and exploitation are problems faced by sex workers, we must recognize that these are not the only factors which characterize the lives of sex workers. Sex work provides a domain not for clients and sex workers alike to explore their sexual desires in ways that may not be acceptable in mainstream society. The vagina is a site of power and pleasure and I commend those who are brave enough to transgress the bounds of acceptable sexuality.